The late American diplomat Richard Holbrooke (1941–2010) had a knack, that’s to say a weak spot, for self-promotion. He lobbied for the Nobel Peace Prize. He hinted broadly that he might function secretary of state. When certainly one of his previous buddies died, Holbrooke petitioned the person’s widow to be included among the many eulogists. Throughout conferences within the State of affairs Room, he began out towards the wall with the opposite assistant-level employees, however slowly inched his chair ahead to the desk among the many cupboard officers. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance’s private assistant needed to write a memo in 1978 admonishing Holbrooke to not “insert your self as a passenger within the Secretary’s automotive until this workplace has particularly accredited your request.” The place a lesser striver may need perceived a rebuke, Holbrooke had the memo framed.
He favored to dispense with the fussier conventions of statecraft. “There are two sorts of individuals,” he informed his sons: “those that like fart jokes and people who don’t. We all know the place the Holbrookes stand.” Most diplomats hold safely to the opposite aspect of the fart-joke line. But most diplomats additionally don’t sweat via a half-dozen pairs of socks per day or hold their used ones on an airplane’s first-class seat pocket to dry. Nor do they sit on the mattress of their underpants consuming Russian caviar straight from the jar. Their French just isn’t delivered in a New York accent. They don’t enjoyment of pranks, like de-blousing a colonel’s resplendent uniform within the innermost halls of the Pentagon. After organizing a goodwill recreation of softball with employees from the Japanese embassy, they might not crush the ambassador’s first pitch for a house run and snicker their method across the bases.
Holbrooke was much less a statesman or strategist than a personality from a Philip Roth novel: a hustling, sweating, deeply imperfect, sometimes inspiring, mouth-full-shouting specimen of the human situation. He had three marriages and too many mortgages; he disregarded his youngsters; he wept when referred to as upon to talk of his father in public. He flirted with one of many docs who tried and finally failed to save lots of his life. But at his most statesmanlike moments, like negotiating an finish to the Bosnian struggle in 1995, he might be extraordinary. Throughout a half century in public life, Holbrooke turned America’s all-purpose hot-zone fixer, the one who jumped into quagmires with each ft and by some means emerged with a deal. The journalist and former diplomat Ronan Farrow, who labored intently with Holbrooke and described him as a father determine, has written that “he was the uncommon asshole who was value it.”
In an entertaining and humane new biography, Our Man, George Packer portrays a deeply flawed determine of large power, blindness, and keenness. Holbrooke was continuously “doing one thing to you,” Packer writes, “cajoling, flattering, bullying, seducing, needling, analyzing, one-upping you.” By the top of an encounter, “you discovered your self far out from the place you’d began, not sure how you bought there, and mysteriously exhausted.” One negotiating staff member on the Bosnian element wrote in his journal, “A real character. Can’t assist however like him. He’s one thing to observe.”
Packer, a heavyweight journalist who joined the Atlantic final yr after a distinguished run on the New Yorker, was pleasant with Holbrooke and is properly positioned to inform his story. It’s a topic worthy of Packer’s appreciable narrative presents: a tragicomic hero who poured all of his infuriating ambitions and intensities into a lifetime of function on levels each international and bureaucratically small. Bosnia is the guts of Our Man, and it was Holbrooke’s nice accomplishment. And don’t assume he wouldn’t have let you understand it: on his bookshelf he stored three dozen copies of the memoir during which he portrayed himself because the savior and indispensable determine of the peace negotiations. Which, in truth, he was.
Holbrooke got here to diplomacy coincidentally. Rising up in Scarsdale, New York, he was the surrogate son of Dean Rusk, the daddy of his greatest good friend and a future secretary of state. Holbrooke’s personal father died of most cancers when he was fifteen, and he didn’t study of his household’s Jewish heritage till later in life. Addressing the senior class of Scarsdale Excessive in 1958, Rusk gave bland however fateful recommendation: “If you’re considering of careers, consider the Overseas Service.” After an internship with the New York Occasions, Holbrooke handed the Overseas Service examination and have become a member of the category of 1962.
Packer organizes Our Man round three wars: Vietnam, Bosnia, and Afghanistan. Holbrooke served america authorities in various capacities in every. In Vietnam, he discovered; in Bosnia, he triumphed; and in Afghanistan, he failed. As an help employee handing out farming provides for USAID in Vietnam, Holbrooke witnessed the mindless waste of American blood and treasure in pursuit of hubristic objectives. He labored in Saigon and the countryside, throwing himself into hurt’s method by volunteering for service deep in Vietcong territory. Breaking with diplomatic apply, he befriended and caroused with journalists like David Halberstam and Neil Sheehan, two of the warfare’s most perceptive critics.
He additionally provided trenchant evaluation. One among Our Man’s strengths is Packer’s willingness to cite at size from Holbrooke’s journals and correspondence. Holbrooke was no antiwar radical, however he noticed the weaknesses in American coverage prior to most. Right here he’s in 1963 or early ’64, prefiguring the misgivings that might later typify most critiques of the warfare:
We arrive right here with no information of the nation or of the state of affairs and instantly begin giving recommendation, a few of which we will actually flip virtually into orders due to the supplies and cash and transportation that we absolutely management. I feel that no American would stand for such a deep and persevering with interference in our affairs, even when it appeared that survival was at stake.
Too junior to affect coverage, Holbrooke as an alternative watched, labored, and remembered. “His ambition nonetheless had a clear odor,” Packer writes, foreshadowing the best way his topic’s ladder climbing would later outweigh his idealism. Holbrooke additionally gave himself over to the romance of service overseas in pursuit of nationwide objectives. “Some issues I take pleasure in about Vietnam, not essentially associated to our mission however to my disposition,” he confided in a letter: “I benefit from the quick tempo of the people who find themselves good, the lads who’re doing the perfect job for us.” It was thrilling to return to the town or “an airstrip someplace within the Delta” and run into “these individuals, with whom you’ll have shared a troublesome day within the area someplace.” And, in fact, he liked “the drama of the helicopters.”
In Vietnam Holbrooke made probably the most consequential good friend of his life: Anthony Lake. They have been yin and yang: Lake the Harvard WASP to Holbrooke’s New York Jew; Lake who was understated and delicate the place Holbrooke by no means entered a room he couldn’t fill. Holbrooke developed an in depth friendship with Lake and his spouse Toni in Vietnam, enjoying tennis and lingering over lazy meals. Their lives and careers would run in parallel till Holbrooke and Toni fell in love, dooming the friendship and poisoning Holbrooke’s first marriage. Holbrooke by some means contrived responsible Lake for this.
After collaborating within the Paris peace negotiations after which modifying Overseas Coverage through the Nixon years, Holbrooke joined the Carter administration as assistant secretary of state for East Asia. In that place he began making enemies in earnest. Slights and snubs started so as to add up; so did extra Shakespearean enmities with heavyweights like Zbigniew Brzezinski. Holbrooke suggested Carter towards naming Brzezinski nationwide safety adviser, and Brzezinski apparently came upon. Brzezinski engineered a marketing campaign of petty retaliation: excluding Holbrooke from conferences, sticking him behind motorcades, refusing to let him see the speaking factors. The good strategist behaved like a third-grade bully, and Holbrooke frantically tried to save lots of face.
But, Packer writes, Holbrooke introduced his egotism and idealism into stability with a view to do good. In a exceptional effort, he championed the reason for South Vietnamese refugees, serving to persuade a number of governments to extend their quotas. It was a smaller second in a profession filled with blockbuster set items; a lesser biographer may need missed it. “Human struggling didn’t plunge Holbrooke into psychological paralysis or philosophical despair,” Packer asserts. “It drove him to livid motion.” Holbrooke earned loyalty from his employees, giving them “not private heat—throughout conversations he was all the time on a telephone name and shuffling paperwork—however mental stimulation, openness to dissent, and a way of collective mission. In return they gave him their greatest.” And he proved a pure at bureaucratic tips, exceeding his negotiating authority to realize breakthroughs and shamelessly leaking to the press. When Reagan turned president, Holbrooke spent a decade within the wilderness, cashing in his identify and community for a sinecure at Lehman Brothers. It was a horrible match, however at the least it paid nicely.
Upon Invoice Clinton’s election, Holbrooke scrambled for a prime overseas coverage place within the administration. However he had made too many enemies, and his brash and brazenly formidable type alienated too many individuals. To borrow Saul Bellow’s description of Vladimir Nabokov, Holbrooke was one of many nice wrong-way rubbers of all time. Anthony Lake was named nationwide safety adviser, however by then the 2 males have been virtually enemies, and Lake declined to assist him. So did different putative pals.
So Holbrooke returned to the sector, sending himself on a fact-finding mission to Bosnia in January 1993. He once more felt the thrill of stepping right into a conflict zone, and as soon as extra linked arms with a journalist, this time John Burns of the New York Occasions. They toured Sarajevo, which had been underneath siege by the Serbian military for 270 days and operating. Holbrooke encountered camp survivors, bloodstains, rubble, and refugees. He confided to his journal, “If I don’t make my views recognized to the brand new group, I’ll haven’t carried out sufficient to assist the determined individuals we’ve got simply seen; but when I push my views I’ll seem too aggressive. I really feel trapped.” The ambivalence shortly resolved in favor of making an attempt to pressure motion to cease the genocide. Holbrooke wrote unanswered memos and information articles urging using drive towards Serbian aggressors.
His authorities exile led to 1993, when Clinton named him ambassador to Germany. The subsequent yr he turned assistant secretary of state for Europe and Canada; a colleague informed him that the job would come with fixing “the Bosnia drawback.” Holbrooke spent a lot of his wedding ceremony day in 1995—his third—on the telephone with Washington. Whereas Clinton waffled in the course of the Srebrenica bloodbath, Holbrooke seethed. (“If we’d bombed these fuckers as I had advisable,” he stated, “Srebrenica wouldn’t have occurred.”) He almost misplaced his life in a automotive accident on Mount Igman in Bosnia that claimed three American lives. Ultimately NATO airstrikes introduced the Serbs to the negotiating desk, the place Holbrooke was decided to press his benefit through the brief window whereas the bombs fell.
Packer’s chapters on Holbrooke’s negotiating efforts in Belgrade, after which in Dayton, the place the peace talks concluded, are the centerpiece of Our Man. They present Holbrooke not precisely at his greatest, however definitely at his most. He alternately finessed and screamed at Slobodan Milosevic. (An observer commented that their “two egos danced all night time.”) He sat via infinite banquets. He lifted glasses of Scotch to his lips however barely drank, so as keep clearheaded. “He didn’t keep on with speaking factors—had no actual speaking factors—however let the dialog run its meandering course whereas in search of openings to run by means of,” Packer writes. Via all of it, Holbrooke by no means let up, “all the time pushing the tempo, and this depth created momentum for the subsequent small breakthrough, and every breakthrough added extra velocity and energy.” To the extent that he had a technique, Packer writes, “it was this: he set himself in movement and triggered others to maneuver, and issues turned attainable that by no means occurred with everybody at relaxation.” The struggle ended, on phrases that have been much less than simply—however it ended.
Nothing might prime that have, and nothing did. When Clinton was reelected, Holbrooke hoped to be named secretary of state however was handed over for Madeleine Albright—one other enemy. (Later, through the 2000 presidential marketing campaign, she was heard to comment, “I hope Gore will get elected, however I’ll be damned if Holbrooke goes to succeed me.”) As an alternative Holbrooke continued to troubleshoot scorching spots, serving as Clinton’s particular envoy to Cyprus, U.S. ambassador to the UN, and U.S. negotiator through the Kosovo conflict in 1998. Through the 2000s, he returned to Wall Road, allied himself with Hillary Clinton—his most trustworthy patron—and labored on his marriage. Round this time Anthony Lake made a perceptive and beneficiant remark about his former pal: “What Holbrooke needs consideration for is what he’s doing, not what he’s. That’s a really critical high quality and it’s his saving grace.”
A reckless and impulsive action-diplomat with a aptitude for the dramatic was sure to rub the cerebral Barack Obama the flawed method. Packer ably chronicles the friction between the 2 males. Throughout one briefing on Afghanistan, as Holbrooke described a choice level as being “on the savage intersection of coverage, politics, and historical past,” Obama murmured, “Who talks like this?” However as Afghanistan proved increasingly more intractable, Obama did what different presidents had executed earlier than him: he despatched in Holbrooke, this time as particular envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan. It was an unattainable job. Holbrooke fell out with Hamid Karzai; he couldn’t afford to point out daylight between himself and Secretary Clinton; he was almost fired. Like Vietnam—which Obama shortly uninterested in listening to about—it was simply too huge an issue to unravel.
If there’s a line operating via Holbrooke’s public life, it’s a mixture of liberal internationalism, a willingness to make use of American army energy, and an simply ignored decency towards the forgotten individuals of the world. A few of his worldview has gone out of style after the disastrous Iraq Conflict. Is humanitarian intervention value its very excessive prices? In Bosnia, sure. Libya, no. Kosovo, sure. Iraq, very a lot no. Rwanda, we’ll by no means know. However in the long run, Richard Holbrooke’s life says much less about overseas coverage than about humanity itself. His profound imperfections reveal vulnerability and bathos, no extra so than when he desperately tried to call all of the individuals he liked as he lay dying—after which stated to a staffer, “Ensure you’re recording my each witticism.” When a terrific man departs, it’s typically stated that we’ll not see his like once more. The mere considered one other Holbrooke is exhausting.